Michael Bindner's DC Blog

This blog is the companion to my personal web page, www.geocities.com/mikeybdc/, where I discuss DC politics and other issues of import to local government.

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Name: Michael Bindner
Location: Alexandria, Virginia, United States

Wednesday, November 04, 2009

Election postmortem

As anyone with a television, newspaper or Internet connection knows, Republicans have captured governorships in Virginia and New Jersey, for the first time since the civil war, a progressive candidate has beaten the conservative in the 23rd congressional district of New York, and gay marriage was stopped by referendum in Maine (barely), while medical marijuana was enacted there.

In Virginia, the election was not even close as newly registered young and African American voters stayed home. Even though, at the last minute, the Catholic Church engaged in a full-court press on values issues, primarily abortion, this was not an issue that was highlighted by the winning candidate. Indeed, the Governor of any state has little to say about abortion, since Roe v. Wade quite correctly bars state action on this issue beyond regulating late term abortions (because who is and who is covered under law is quite properly a federal civil rights question under the 14th Amendment and because until someone is given legal recognition, their interests cannot constitutionally be considered by the state - which is why women have a right to privacy in obtaining abortion services in the first trimester until and unless Congress moves the date). Sadly, the voters that stayed home and the Catholics who voted for the Governor-elect will find that his economic policies will not benefit either them or the unborn.

In New Jersey, the result was surprisingly close, given the outgoing Governor's unpopularity. In both cases, the race was not decided on hot button social issues, but rather on the competence of the opponent. There was not victory for values based conservatism in either race. Indeed, in the only race where ideology and values were the focus of the race, the conservative candidate was beaten in a race which should have been an easy Republican victory. While that says as much about the nomination process as the race, it still provides a lesson on what the Republican Party needs to do to stay alive. From what I have heard about conservative preparations for 2010, however, this lesson seems lost on them. In the short run, what NY-23 means is another Democratic vote for health care. It almost makes me hope that this one vote is the margin of victory in the House of Representatives.

The fact that the election was close is actually quite telling. Five years ago, when citizen votes against gay marriage were more common and were largely a reaction to actions by the Mayor of San Francisco when he took constitutional interpretation into his own hands by performing gay weddings, the margins were much bigger. They are steadily growing smaller and as older, more conservative voters "age out," will likely go the other way.

More importantly, they show why it is not good for governments to put individual rights up to a vote. Luckily, the federal constitution can be used - and has been used - to overturn such folly - as it did when Colorado voters passed a constitutional amendment prohibiting gay rights legislation. This amendment was overturned by the federal courts because it was precipitated by malice towards gays and lesbians (such malice is hardly a Catholic virtue - indeed there is nothing in canon law which mandates or even allows legal discrimination against gays and lesbians). These precedents are being used in an effort to overturn California's Proposition 8 and I have every confidence that this challenge will succeed and be applied to all 31 instances where state constitutions were used to define marriage as being between a man and a woman. As I have said elsewhere, this misquote of scripture originates in the Genesis myth (and Catholics do now believe the story is mythical, not factual) and was used by Jesus not to condemn gay marriage but to affirm the equality of women within marriage.

When I was in marriage preparation with my soon to be wife, we were taught that neither the Priest nor the state make the marriage, rather the sacrament is performed by the two people getting married. It is only recognized by the state and witnessed by the Priest (and congregation). I was taught the same thing in Catholic High School. Aside from bigotry and a quaint (and unscientific) view of sexuality by a celibate clergy, I see no reason why this teaching does not apply equally to homosexuals. Indeed, if we wish homosexuals to listen to the Church regarding spiritual matters, we must listen to them when they inform us of how their sexuality occurs to them - especially if we are counseling monogamy. Telling young people that they are disordered leads many of them to suicide and equating promiscuous and monogamous sex leads some to situations where they acquire HIV. To a very real extent, our blood is as much on our hands as when society allows abortion (if not more so).

When (not if) the federal courts mandate gay marriage, I would hope that the Church celebrates them as a comfort to the families, since weddings (unlike marriages) are about the families letting go of their child (or parent) in favor of the new spouse. It is better that this letting go happen in the protective embrace of the Church, which can then use the occasion to counsel monogamy and fidelity in these relationships (which would be countercultural). Opting for gay marriage as a lesser thing actually damages marriage as a concept more than celebrating marriages would. Indeed, domestic partnership is not a good substitute for the Sacrament of Matrimony.

The Maine election also shows that, even if the public does not agree, the elected legislators in "blue states" are coming around to marriage equality. This has implications for when marriage restrictions are overturned by the federal courts. With Nancy Pelosi of San Francisco as Speaker of the House, I cannot foresee any amount of backlash that will lead to a congressionally initiated constitutional amendment overturning such a ruling. Such an amendment could only come by constitutional conventions called by the states. If blue state assemblies cannot be counted on to ratify such an amendment (or even call the convention), there is no stopping marriage equality.

This issue was also important in the Attorney General's race in Virginia. I still find it troubling
that the Attorney General-elect has vowed to fight for the obviously federally unconstitutional amendment to the Virginia Constitution which prohibits legal arrangements which simulate marriage, since he must vow to uphold the federal constitution. Of course, I think the closest he will be able to get to such a defense is joining in an Amicus Curie brief when this issue finally gets to the Supreme Court. I doubt he will even be able to write it (although from what I have heard of his legal skills, I hope he is the one to write it since I do not wish him success in such an endeavor).

Lastly, the easy passage of medical marijuana in Maine is also telling on the general prospects for conservatism. With the sexual revolution, marijuana use was a harbinger of the 60s (which actually began in 1959 in terms of cultural transformation according to a new book on the subject). If conservatism were really on the march, this effort would have failed. As opponents of such measures rightly point out, this is a toehold on general legalization and the end of their war on drug users generally. Just thought I would point that out to take some of the wind out of their sails after last night.

Monday, November 02, 2009

Excerpts from Musings from the Christian Left

Geocities has gone away, so I have moved my essays on DC to this blog. Since posting them on the blog, I have moved them to their original publication date in June 2004. Here are the links to these essays:

DC Finance

Limiting Congressional Power over the District

DC Government

New Columbia Constitutional Questions

Call for a People's Constitutional Convention (this was done before I read the language in HR 51 which required popular adoption of the 1987 Constitution in order for statehood to occur).

Getting a Vote on Voting Rights and Statehood (still suprisingly current)

Racial Justice (reparations and affirmative action - since this was written, Virginia apologized for slavery)

Education, Welfare and Religion

Gay Rights

Professional Sports Teams and the Entertainment Industry (with props to Faith and Jude)

The Christian Left: Gay marriage and the Bishop of Portland, the Virginia AG race and the DC ballot initiative

The Christian Left: Gay marriage and the Bishop of Portland, the Virginia AG race and the DC ballot initiative

Wednesday, October 28, 2009

Proposed Amended Draft for HR 51 - The New Columbia Statehood and Retrocession Act

A BILL

To provide for the admission of the State of New Columbia into the Union or the Retrocession of the City of Washington to the State of Maryland.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,

SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE; TABLE OF CONTENTS.
(a) SHORT TITLE- This Act may be cited as the `New Columbia Admission or Retrocession Act'.
(b) TABLE OF CONTENTS- The table of contents of this Act is as follows:
Sec. 1. Short title; table of contents.

TITLE I--STATE OF NEW COLUMBIA
Subtitle A--Procedures for Admission
Sec. 101. Admission into the union.
Sec. 102. Process for admission or retrocession.
Sec. 103. Election of officials of State.
Sec. 104. Issuance of presidential proclamation.
Subtitle B--Description of New Columbia Territory
Sec. 111. Territories and boundaries of New Columbia.
Sec. 112. Description of District of Columbia after admission of State.
Sec. 113. Continuation of title to lands and property.
Subtitle C--General Provisions Relating to Laws of New Columbia
Sec. 121. Limitation on authority of State to tax Federal property.
Sec. 122. Effect of admission of State on current laws.
Sec. 123. Continuation of judicial proceedings.
Sec. 124. United States nationality.
TITLE II--RESPONSIBILITIES AND INTERESTS OF FEDERAL GOVERNMENT
Sec. 201. Continuation of revised District of Columbia as seat of Federal government.
Sec. 202. Treatment of military lands.
Sec. 203. Payment to State in lieu of tax.
Sec. 204. Waiver of claims to Federal lands and property.
Sec. 205. Preservation of scenic vistas.
Sec. 206. Permitting individuals residing in new seat of government to vote in Federal elections in State of most recent domicile.
Sec. 207. Repeal of law providing for participation of District of Columbia in election of President and Vice-President.
Sec. 208. Expedited consideration of constitutional amendment.
TITLE III--GENERAL PROVISIONS
Sec. 301. General definitions.
Sec. 302. Certification of enactment by president.
Sec. 303. Statehood Transition Commission.

TITLE I--STATE OF NEW COLUMBIA
Subtitle A--Procedures for Admission or Retrocession
SEC. 101. ADMISSION INTO THE UNION.
(a) IN GENERAL- Subject to the provisions of this Act, upon issuance of the proclamation required by section 104(b), the State of New Columbia is declared to be a State of the United States of America, and is declared admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the other States in all respects whatever.
(b) CONSTITUTION OF STATE- The State Constitution shall always be republican in form and shall not be repugnant to the Constitution of the United States and the principles of the Declaration of Independence.
SEC. 102. PROCESS FOR ADMISSION.
(a) APPROVAL BY THE MARYLAND GENERAL ASSEMBLY –
Upon enactment of this legislation, the Governor of Maryland shall convene a special concession of the Maryland General Assembly to consider the permanent cession of those lands originally ceded by it to form the District of Columbia.
(b) APPROVAL OF ADMISSION BY VOTERS OF DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA-
(1) ELECTION PROCEDURES- At an election designated by proclamation of the Mayor, which may be the primary or the general election held pursuant to section 103(a), a general election, or a special election, there shall be submitted to the electors qualified to vote in such election the following propositions for adoption or rejection:
`(A) New Columbia shall immediately be admitted into the Union as a State.
`(B) The proposed Constitution for the State of New Columbia, as adopted by the Council of the District of Columbia pursuant to the Constitution for the State of New Columbia Approval Act of 1987 (D.C. Law 7-8), shall be deemed ratified and shall replace the Constitution for the State of New Columbia ratified on November 2, 1982.
`(C) The boundaries of the State of New Columbia shall be as prescribed in the New Columbia Admission Act.
`(D) All provisions of the New Columbia Admission Act, including provisions reserving rights or powers to the United States and provisions prescribing the terms or conditions of the grants of lands or other property made to the State of New Columbia, are consented to fully by the State and its people.'.
(2) RESPONSIBILITIES OF MAYOR- The Mayor of the District of Columbia is authorized and directed to take such action as may be necessary or appropriate to ensure the submission of such propositions to the people. The return of the votes cast on such propositions shall be made by the election officers directly to the Board of Elections of the District of Columbia, which shall certify the results of the submission to the Mayor. The Mayor shall certify the results of such submission to the President of the United States.
(b) EFFECT OF VOTE-
(1) ADOPTION OF PROPOSITIONS- In the event the propositions described in subsection (a) are adopted in an election under such subsection by a majority of the legal votes cast on such submission--
(A) the State Constitution shall be deemed ratified; and
(B) the President shall issue a proclamation pursuant to section 104.
(2) REJECTION OF PROPOSITION- In the event any one of the propositions described in subsection (a) is not adopted in an election under such subsection by a majority of the legal votes cast on such submission, the provisions of this Act shall cease to be effective.
SEC. 103. ELECTION OF OFFICIALS OF STATE.
(a) ISSUANCE OF PROCLAMATION-
(1) IN GENERAL- Not more than 30 days after receiving certification of the enactment of this Act from the President pursuant to section 302, the Mayor of the District of Columbia shall issue a proclamation for the first elections, subject to the provisions of this section, for two Senators and one Representative in Congress.
(2) SPECIAL RULE FOR ELECTION OF SENATORS- In the election of Senators from the State pursuant to paragraph (1), the 2 Senate offices shall be separately identified and designated, and no person may be a candidate for both offices. No such identification or designation of either of the offices shall refer to or be taken to refer to the terms of such offices, or in any way impair the privilege of the Senate to determine the class to which each of the Senators elected shall be assigned.
(b) RULES FOR CONDUCTING ELECTION-
(1) IN GENERAL- The proclamation of the Mayor issued under subsection (a) shall provide for the holding of a primary election and a general election and at such elections the officers required to be elected as provided in subsection (a) shall be chosen by the qualified electors of the District of Columbia in the manner required by law.
(2) CERTIFICATION OF RETURNS- Election returns shall be made and certified in the manner required by law, except that the Mayor shall also certify the results of such elections to the President of the United States.
(c) ASSUMPTION OF DUTIES- Upon the admission of the State into the Union, the Senators and Representative elected at the election described in subsection (a) shall be entitled to be admitted to seats in Congress and to all the rights and privileges of Senators and Representatives of other States in the Congress of the United States.
(d) TRANSFER OF OFFICES OF MAYOR AND MEMBERS AND CHAIR OF COUNCIL- Upon the admission of the State into the Union, the Mayor, members of the Council, and the Chair of the Council at the time of admission shall be deemed the Governor, members of the House of Delegates, and the President of the House of Delegates of the State, respectively, as provided by the State Constitution and the laws of the State.
(e) CONTINUATION OF AUTHORITY AND DUTIES AND JUDICIAL AND EXECUTIVE OFFICERS- Upon the admission of the State into the Union, members of executive and judicial offices of the District of Columbia shall be deemed members of the respective executive and judicial offices of the State, as provided by the State Constitution and the laws of the State.
(f) SPECIAL RULE FOR HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES MEMBERSHIP- The State upon its admission into the Union shall be entitled to one Representative until the taking effect of the next reapportionment, and such Representative shall be in addition to the membership of the House of Representatives as now prescribed by law, except that such temporary increase in the membership shall not operate to either increase or decrease the permanent membership of the House of Representatives or affect the basis of apportionment for the Congress.
SEC. 104. ISSUANCE OF PRESIDENTIAL PROCLAMATION.
(a) IN GENERAL- If the President finds that the propositions set forth in section 102(a) have been duly adopted by the people of the State, the President, upon certification of the returns of the election of the officers required to be elected as provided in section 103(a), shall, not later than 90 days after receiving such certification, issue a proclamation announcing the results of such elections as so ascertained.
(b) ADMISSION OF STATE UPON ISSUANCE OF PROCLAMATION- Upon the issuance of the proclamation by the President under subsection (a), the State shall be deemed admitted into the Union as provided in section 101.
SEC 105. PROCESS FOR RETROCESSION

(a) CONSIDERATION OF RETROCESSION
(1) Should the question section 102(a) fail, the General Assembly shall consider retrocession of the Territory of New Columbia, as described in Section 111. Should this question succeed, a Commission to draft a Charter for the City of Washington shall be constituted according to the Laws of the State of Maryland.
(b) APPROVAL OF ADMISSION BY VOTERS OF DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA-
(1) ELECTION PROCEDURES- At an election designated by proclamation of the Mayor, a general election, or a special election, there shall be submitted to the electors qualified to vote in such election the following proposition for adoption or rejection:
`(A) The City of Washington shall immediately retrocede to the State of Maryland
`(B) The Charter for the City of Washington, as drafted pursuant to the New Columbia Admission or Retrocession Act
`(C) The boundaries of the State of New Columbia shall be as prescribed in the New Columbia Admission Act.
(2) RESPONSIBILITIES OF MAYOR- The Mayor of the District of Columbia is authorized and directed to take such action as may be necessary or appropriate to ensure the submission of such propositions to the people. The return of the votes cast on such propositions shall be made by the election officers directly to the Board of Elections of the District of Columbia, which shall certify the results of the submission to the Mayor. The Mayor shall certify the results of such submission to the Governor of Maryland and the President of the United States.
(b) EFFECT OF VOTE-
(1) ADOPTION OF PROPOSITIONS- In the event the propositions described in subsection (a) are adopted in an election under such subsection by a majority of the legal votes cast on such submission--
(A) the Charter for the City of Washington shall be deemed ratified; and
(B) the President shall issue a proclamation pursuant to section 106.
(2) REJECTION OF PROPOSITION- In the event any one of the propositions described in subsection (a) is not adopted in an election under such subsection by a majority of the legal votes cast on such submission, the provisions of this Act shall cease to be effective.
SEC. 106. ISSUANCE OF PRESIDENTIAL PROCLAMATION.
(a) IN GENERAL- If the President finds that the propositions set forth in section 102(a) have been duly adopted by the people of the State, the President, shall, not later than 90 days after receiving such certification, issue a proclamation announcing the results of such elections as so ascertained.
(b) RETROCESSION TO MARYLAND UPON ISSUANCE OF PROCLAMATION- Upon the issuance of the proclamation by the President under subsection (a), the City of Washington shall be deemed retrocede to Maryland, who shall conduct elections for the officers of the City as provided under the Laws of the State of Maryland.
Subtitle B--Description of New Columbia Territory
SEC. 111. TERRITORIES AND BOUNDARIES OF NEW COLUMBIA.
(a) IN GENERAL- Except as provided in subsection (b), the State shall consist of all of the territory of the District of Columbia as of the date of the enactment of this Act, subject to the results of the technical survey conducted under subsection (c).
(b) EXCLUSION OF PORTION OF DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA REMAINING AS NATIONAL CAPITAL- The territory of the State shall not include the area described in section 112, which shall remain as the District of Columbia for purposes of serving as the seat of the government of the United States.
(c) TECHNICAL SURVEY- Not later than 6 months after the date of the enactment of this Act, the President (in consultation with the Chair of the National Capital Planning Commission) shall conduct a technical survey of the metes and bounds of the District of Columbia and of the territory described in section 112(b).
SEC. 112. DESCRIPTION OF DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA AFTER ADMISSION OF STATE.
(a) IN GENERAL- Subject to the succeeding provisions of this section, after the admission of the State into the Union, the District of Columbia shall consist of the property described in subsection (b) and shall include the Capitol Building, the United States and the legislative office buildings located adjacent to the Capitol Building.
(b) SPECIFIC DESCRIPTION OF METES AND BOUNDS- After the admission of the State into the Union, the specific metes and bounds of the District of Columbia shall be as follows:
Beginning at the point on Third Street Northwest and Constitution Avenue Northwest;
thence east Constitution Avenue Street Northwest to the intersection of Constitution Avenue Northwest and Louisiana Avenue Northwest;
thence northeast on Louisiana Avenue Northwest to North Capitol Street;
thence north on North Capitol Street to Massachusetts Avenue Northwest;
thence southeast on Massachusetts Avenue Northwest to First Street Northeast;
thence south First Street Northeast to C Street Northeast;
thence east on C Street Northeast to Second Street Northeast;
thence south on Second Street Northeast to Constitution Avenue Northeast;
thence west Constitution Avenue Northeast to First Street Northeast;
thence south on First Street Northeast to East Capitol Street Southeast;
thence east on East Capitol Street Southeast to Third Street Southeast;
thence south on Third Street Southeast to Independence Avenue Southeast;
thence west on Independence Avenue Southeast to Second Street Southeast;
thence south on Second Street Southeast to C Street Southeast;
thence west on C Street Southeast to First Street Southeast;
thence south on First Street Southeast to D Street Southeast;
thence west on D Street Southeast to Washington Avenue Southwest;
thence southeast on Washington Avenue Southwest to E Street Southeast;
thence west on E Street Southeast to the intersection of Washington Avenue Southwest and South Capitol Street;
thence northwest on Washington Avenue Southwest to Second Street Southwest;
thence south on Second Street Southwest to Virginia Avenue Southwest;
thence generally west on Virginia Avenue to Third Street Southwest;
thence north on Third Street Southwest to D Street Southwest;
thence east on D Street Southwest to Second Street Southwest;
thence north on Second Street Southwest to Independence Avenue Southwest;
thence west to Third Street Southwest;
thence north to Constitution Avenue Northwest to the point of beginning.
(c) Treatment of Certain Property-
(1) STREETS AND SIDEWALKS BOUNDING AREA- After the admission of the State into the Union, the District of Columbia shall be deemed to include any street (together with any sidewalk thereof) bounding the District of Columbia.
Subtitle C--General Provisions Relating to Laws of New Columbia
SEC. 121. LIMITATION ON AUTHORITY OF STATE TO TAX FEDERAL PROPERTY.
The State may not impose any taxes upon any lands or other property owned or acquired by the United States, except to the extent as Congress may permit.
SEC. 122. EFFECT OF ADMISSION OF STATE ON CURRENT LAWS.
(a) IN GENERAL- The admission of the State into the Union shall not be construed to affect the applicability to the State of any laws in effect in the District of Columbia as of the date of admission, except as modified or changed by this Act or by the State Constitution.
(b) TREATMENT OF FEDERAL LAWS- All of the laws of the United States shall have the same force and effect within the State as elsewhere in the United States, except as such laws may otherwise provide.
SEC. 123. CONTINUATION OF JUDICIAL PROCEEDINGS.
(a) PENDING PROCEEDINGS-
(1) IN GENERAL- No writ, action, indictment, cause, or proceeding pending in any court of the District of Columbia or in the United States District Court for the District of Columbia shall abate by reason of the admission of the State into the Union, but shall be transferred and shall proceed within such appropriate State courts as shall be established under the State Constitution, or shall continue in the United States District Court for the District of Columbia, as the nature of the case may require.
(2) SUCCESSION OF COURTS- The appropriate courts of the State shall be the successors of the courts of the District of Columbia as to all cases arising within the limits embraced within the jurisdiction of such courts, with full power to proceed with such cases, and award mesne or final process therein, and all files, records, indictments, and proceedings relating to any such writ, action, indictment, cause, or proceeding shall be transferred to such appropriate State courts and shall be proceeded with therein in due course of law.
(b) UNFILED PROCEEDINGS BASED ON ACTIONS PRIOR TO ADMISSION- All civil causes of action and all criminal offenses which shall have arisen or been committed prior to the admission of the State into the Union, but as to which no writ, action, indictment, or proceeding shall be pending at the date of such admission, shall be subject to prosecution in the appropriate State courts or in the United States District Court for the District of Columbia in like manner, to the same extent, and with like right of appellate review, as if the State had been admitted and such State courts had been established prior to the accrual of such causes of action or the commission of such offenses.
(c) MAINTENANCE OF RIGHTS TO AND JURISDICTION OVER APPEALS-
(1) CASES DECIDED PRIOR TO ADMISSION- Parties shall have the same rights of appeal from and appellate review of final decisions of the United States District Court for the District of Columbia or the District of Columbia Court of Appeals in any case finally decided prior to the admission of the State into the Union, whether or not an appeal therefrom shall have been perfected prior to such admission. The United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit and the Supreme Court of the United States shall have the same jurisdiction in such cases as by law provided prior to the admission of the State into the Union.
(2) CASES DECIDED AFTER ADMISSION- Parties shall have the same rights of appeal from and appellate review of all orders, judgments, and decrees of the United States District Court for the District of Columbia and of the highest court of the State, as successor to the District of Columbia Court of Appeals, in any case pending at the time of admission of the State into the Union, and the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit and the Supreme Court of the United States shall have the same jurisdiction therein, as by law provided in any case arising subsequent to the admission of the State into the Union.
(3) ISSUANCE OF SUBSEQUENT MANDATES- Any mandate issued subsequent to the admission of the State shall be to the United States District Court for the District of Columbia or a court of the State, as appropriate.
(d) CONFORMING AMENDMENTS RELATING TO FEDERAL COURTS- Effective upon the admission of the State into the Union--
(1) section 41 of title 28, United States Code, is amended in the second column by inserting `, New Columbia' after `District of Columbia'; and
(2) the first paragraph of section 88 of title 28, United States Code, is amended to read as follows:
`The District of Columbia and the State of New Columbia comprise one judicial district.'.
SEC. 124. UNITED STATES NATIONALITY.
No provision of this Act shall operate to confer United States nationality, to terminate nationality lawfully acquired, or to restore nationality terminated or lost under any law of the United States or under any treaty to which the United States is or was a party.

TITLE II--RESPONSIBILITIES AND INTERESTS OF FEDERAL GOVERNMENT
SEC. 201. CONTINUATION OF REVISED DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA AS SEAT OF FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.
After the admission of the State into the Union, the seat of the Government of the United States shall be the District of Columbia as described in section 112 (also known as `Washington, D.C.').
SEC. 202. TREATMENT OF MILITARY LANDS.
(a) RESERVATION OF FEDERAL AUTHORITY-
(1) IN GENERAL- Subject to paragraph (2) and subsection (b) and notwithstanding the admission of the State into the Union, authority is reserved in the United States for the exercise by Congress of the power of exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such tracts or parcels of land located within the State that, immediately prior to the admission of the State, are controlled or owned by the United States and held for defense or Coast Guard purposes.
(2) LIMITATION ON AUTHORITY- The power of exclusive legislation described in paragraph (1) shall vest and remain in the United States only so long as the particular tract or parcel of land involved is controlled or owned by the United States and used for defense or Coast Guard purposes.
(b) AUTHORITY OF STATE-
(1) IN GENERAL- The reservation of authority in the United States for the exercise by the Congress of the United States of the power of exclusive legislation over military lands under subsection (a) shall not operate to prevent such lands from being a part of the State, or to prevent the State from exercising over or upon such lands, concurrently with the United States, any jurisdiction which it would have in the absence of such reservation of authority and which is consistent with the laws hereafter enacted by Congress pursuant to such reservation of authority.
(2) SERVICE OF PROCESS- The State shall have the right to serve civil or criminal process within such tracts or parcels of land in which the authority of the United States is reserved under subsection (a) in suits or prosecutions for or on account of rights acquired, obligations incurred, or crimes committed within the State but outside of such tracts or parcels of land.
SEC. 203. PAYMENT TO STATE IN LIEU OF TAX.
In order to compensate the State for unavailable tax revenues and other effects on the revenues of the State resulting from the significant presence of the Federal Government within and nearby the State, the United States shall make a payment to the State for each fiscal year in such amount and under such schedule as Congress may determine (taking into account the recommendations of the Statehood Transition Commission under section 303).
SEC. 204. WAIVER OF CLAIMS TO FEDERAL LANDS AND PROPERTY.
(a) IN GENERAL- As a compact with the United States, the State and its people disclaim all right and title to any lands or other property not granted or confirmed to the State or its political subdivisions by or under the authority of this Act, the right or title to which is held by the United States or subject to disposition by the United States.
(b) EFFECT ON CLAIMS AGAINST UNITED STATES-
(1) IN GENERAL- Nothing contained in this Act shall recognize, deny, enlarge, impair, or otherwise affect any claim against the United States, and any such claim shall be governed by applicable laws of the United States.
(2) RULE OF CONSTRUCTION- Nothing in this Act is intended or shall be construed as a finding, interpretation, or construction by the Congress that any applicable law authorizes, establishes, recognizes, or confirms the validity or invalidity of any claim referred to in paragraph (1), and the determination of the applicability or effect of any law to any such claim shall be unaffected by anything in this Act.
SEC. 205. PRESERVATION OF SCENIC VISTAS.
(a) SCENIC EASEMENT- The Secretary of the Interior shall take a scenic easement in the space above all lots within the State (in accordance with such terms and procedures as the Secretary of the Interior may establish, including terms and procedures relating to the payment of compensation towards the value of the easement taken), and such scenic easement shall be reserved by the United States. The scenic easement is described as follows:
(1) GENERAL RULE- Except as otherwise provided in this subsection, the scenic easement shall be in all space above a lot beginning at a height equal to the sum of--
(A) the width of the street, avenue, or highway in front of the lot; and
(B) 20 feet.
(2) PROPERTY ON COMMERCIAL STREET- With respect to a lot on a business street, avenue, or highway, the scenic easement shall be in all space above the lot beginning at a height equal to 130 feet above the sidewalk of the street, avenue, or highway (or, in the case of property on the north side of Pennsylvania Avenue between 1st and 15th Streets Northwest, beginning 160 feet above the sidewalk).
(3) PROPERTY ON RESIDENTIAL STREET- With respect to a lot on a residential street, avenue, or highway, the scenic easement shall be in all space above the lot beginning--
(A) in the case of a lot on a street, avenue, or highway 60 feet wide or less, at a height equal to the width of the street, avenue, or highway;
(B) in the case of a lot on a street, avenue, or highway more than 60 feet but less than 65 feet wide, at a height equal to 60 feet; and
(C) in the case of a lot on any other street, avenue, or highway, at a height equal to the lower of--
(i) the width of the street, avenue, or highway reduced by 10 feet, or
(ii) 90 feet.
(4) TREATMENT OF SPACE OVER CHURCHES- With respect to any lot on a residence street, avenue, or highway upon which a church is located (other than a church whose construction had not been undertaken prior to June 1, 1910), the scenic easement shall be in all space above the lot beginning at a height equal to 95 feet above the level of the adjacent curb.
(5) TREATMENT OF PLAZA OF UNION STATION- With respect to any portion of any lot affronting or abutting the plaza in front of Union Station upon which a building is located (other than a building erected prior to June 1, 1910), the scenic easement shall be in all space above the lot beginning at a height equal to 80 feet above the plaza.
(b) EFFECT OF SCENIC EASEMENT-
(1) NO PHYSICAL STRUCTURES PERMITTED- Except as provided in paragraph (2), no person may encroach upon any space in which the United States has reserved a scenic easement pursuant to subsection (a) with a physical structure.
(2) PERMISSIBLE ENCROACHMENT BY CERTAIN STRUCTURES- Notwithstanding paragraph (1), a person may encroach upon a space in which the United States has reserved a scenic easement pursuant to subsection (a) with any of the following:
(A) A physical structure in existence on the date on which the Secretary of the Interior takes the easement.
(B) A spire, tower, dome, minaret, or pinnacle serving as an architectural embellishment.
(C) A penthouse over an elevator shaft, ventilation shaft, chimney, smokestack, or fire sprinkler tank, but only if--
(i) the structure is not used for human occupancy; and
(ii) the structure is set back from the exterior walls of the building upon which it is located at a distance equal to its height above the building's roof.
(D) An antenna.
(E) Construction equipment.
(F) A flagpole.
(c) RULES FOR INTERPRETING HEIGHTS- In determining the point at which a scenic easement in a lot begins for purposes of subsection (a), the following rules shall apply:
(1) Height shall be measured from the level of the sidewalk opposite the middle of the front of the lot.
(2) Any height otherwise determined under such subsection to be not greater than 60 feet may be increased by the distance between the highest point of any building located on the lot and the portion of any parapet wall or balustrade of the building that extends over such highest point, but in no case may any height be increased pursuant to this paragraph by more than 4 feet.
(3) If a lot (including a corner lot) fronts an intersection of 2 or more streets, avenues, or highways, a height shall be determined by using the width of the widest street, avenue, or highway involved.
(4) In the case of a lot on a street less than 90 feet wide on which building lines have been established, the width of the street shall be deemed to be the distance between the lines.
(d) AUTHORITY OF STATE TO DESIGNATE STREETS- Nothing in this section shall be construed to affect the authority of the State to designate streets, avenues, or highways as commercial or residential.
(e) EFFECTIVE DATE- The Secretary of the Interior shall take the scenic easement described in this section on the day before the State is admitted into the Union. The scenic easement shall be reserved by the United States on the date on which the State is admitted into the Union.
SEC. 206. REPEAL OF LAW PROVIDING FOR PARTICIPATION OF DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA IN ELECTION OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT.
(a) IN GENERAL- Title 3, United States Code, is amended by striking section 21.
(b) EFFECTIVE DATE- The amendment made by subsection (a) shall take effect upon the date of the admission of the State into the Union, and shall apply to any election of the President and Vice-President of the United States taking place on or after such date.
SEC. 207. EXPEDITED CONSIDERATION OF CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT.
(a) EXERCISE OF RULEMAKING AUTHORITY- This section is enacted by Congress--
(1) as an exercise of the rulemaking power of the Senate and the House of Representatives, respectively, and as such these provisions are deemed a part of the rule of each House, respectively, but applicable only with respect to the procedure to be followed in that House in the case of a joint resolution described in subsection (b), and they supersede other rules only to the extent that they are inconsistent therewith; and
(2) with full recognition of the constitutional right of either House to change the rule (so far as relating to the procedure of that House) at any time, in the same manner and to the same extent as in the case of any other rule of that House.
(b) EXPEDITED CONSIDERATION OF REPEAL OF 23RD AMENDMENT-
(1) MOTION MADE IN ORDER- At any time after the date of the enactment of this Act, it shall be in order in either the House of Representatives or the Senate to offer a motion to proceed to the consideration of a joint resolution proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States repealing the 23rd article of amendment to the Constitution.
(2) PROCEDURES RELATING TO MOTION- With respect to the motion described in paragraph (1), the following rules shall apply:
(A) The motion is highly privileged and is not debatable.
(B) An amendment to the motion is not in order, and it is not in order to move to reconsider the vote by which the motion is agreed to or disagreed to.
(C) A motion to postpone shall be decided without debate.

TITLE III--GENERAL PROVISIONS
SEC. 301. GENERAL DEFINITIONS.
In this Act, the following definitions shall apply:
(1) The term `Commission' means the Statehood Transition Commission established under section 303.
(2) The term `Council' means the Council of the District of Columbia.
(3) The term `Governor' means the Governor of the State of New Columbia.
(4) The term `Mayor' means the Mayor of the District of Columbia.
(5) The term `State Constitution' means the constitution of the State of New Columbia, as adopted by the Council of the District of Columbia in the Constitution for the State of New Columbia Approval Act of 1987 (D.C. Law 7-8).
(6) The term `State' means the State of New Columbia.
SEC. 302. CERTIFICATION OF ENACTMENT BY PRESIDENT.
Not more than 60 days after the date of enactment of this Act, the President shall certify such enactment to the Mayor of the District of Columbia.
SEC. 303. STATEHOOD TRANSITION COMMISSION.
(a) ESTABLISHMENT- There is hereby established a Statehood Transition Commission.
(b) COMPOSITION- The Commission shall be composed of 17 members appointed as follows:
(1) 3 members appointed by the President.
(2) 2 members appointed by the Speaker of the House.
(3) 2 members appointed by the Minority Leader of the House of Representatives.
(4) 2 members appointed by the President Pro Tempore of the Senate.
(5) 2 members appointed by the Minority Leader of the Senate.
(6) 3 members appointed by the Mayor of the District of Columbia.
(7) 3 members appointed by the Council of the District of Columbia.
(c) DUTIES-
(1) IN GENERAL- The Commission shall advise the President, the Congress, the Mayor (or, upon the admission of the State into the Union, the Governor), and the Council (or, upon the admission of the State into the Union, the House of Delegates for the State of New Columbia) concerning necessary procedures to effect an orderly transition to statehood for the District of Columbia and other matters relating to the assumption of the property, functions, and activities of the District of Columbia by the State during the first 2 years of the State's existence.
(2) RECOMMENDATIONS REGARDING APPLICABILITY OF LAWS TO NEW SEAT OF GOVERNMENT- In carrying out its duties under paragraph (1), the Commission shall analyze the laws of the United States that will apply to the District of Columbia after the admission of the State into the Union, and shall make recommendations to Congress regarding whether any of these laws should continue to apply to the District of Columbia after the admission of the State.
(3) RECOMMENDATIONS REGARDING ANNUAL PAYMENT IN LIEU OF TAX- In addition to any of its other duties under paragraph (1), not later than 1 year after the date of the enactment of this Act, the Commission shall develop and recommend to Congress a methodology for determining the amount of and schedule for the annual payment to the State required under section 203, and shall base such methodology upon the methodologies used to determine the amount of other payments in lieu of taxes made by the United States to States and units of local government as compensation for the presence of Federal property which may not be taxed by such States and units of local government.

Monday, September 07, 2009

The Christian Left: DC Examiner Blog#links

The Christian Left: DC Examiner Blog#links connects to my new blog on DC Examiner. The latest post is about Labor Day.

Monday, June 01, 2009

Comments for the Record: Pathways To Statehood & Full Self-Determination: Political And Constitutional Considerations

Chairman Brown,

Thank you for the opportunity to again submit comments for the record.

The District could achieve much more in the way of self determination, even without statehood. Language could be inserted in the Charter requiring a vote of DC Citizens any time Congress alters the Charter. While this would be controversial, there is justification for it.

The U.S. Government asserts that the relationship of the Congress to the District is like that of a state legislature to a locality. This theory has been set forth in a variety of cases before the Supreme Court, and is also now echoed in Section 601 of the District of Columbia Home Rule Act. The constitutional electors of the District of Columbia ratified the Home Rule Act, which is the only constitution for the District of Columbia Government. Section 704 of the Home Rule Act provided for acceptance or rejection of the Home Rule Charter by the electors of the District of Columbia. The Act acts not only as the charter for the municipal government, but also as the basic law or state constitution.

District Residents are entitled to Equal Protection of Law, with these rights trumping the powers of Congress to act as the supreme lawgivers created under the District Clause. In Bolling v. Sharpe, the U.S. Supreme Court made it clear that the 5th Amendment extends due process and equal protection rights to citizens of the District of the same order as those granted to citizens of the states. In Bolling, which was decided with Brown v. Board of Education, the federal government asserted that it had the right to segregate schools because the Fourteenth Amendment rights to due process did not apply to the District. The Supreme Court rejected this contention, which applies to all constitutional rights, not merely the right to integrated schools.

In reserving the power to unilaterally amend its state constitution, the Congress has exceeded its presumed authority as state legislature. No other state legislature in the United States may enact changes to its state constitution, which in the District of Columbia is the Home Rule Charter, without enacting identical language in a subsequent session preceded by an intervening election or without a ratification vote of the electors of that state. Because none of the members of the state legislature for the District of Columbia, the Congress of the United States, are elected by the citizens of said District, the only viable method of ratification is by referendum. Any amendment to the Home Rule Charter that has not been presented to D.C. voters is enacted in violation of the equal protection rights of its citizens to approve or reject such matters, many of which are plainly against their interests, especially with regard to District finances.

Congress has also exceeded its authority as a state legislature by operating outside of a constitution ratified by the people of that state, in this case, the District of Columbia. State legislatures may charter localities because they operate under constitutions ratified by the people of the state. The people of the District of Columbia has no such constitution providing the people with their sovereign right over the state government, unlike every other American in a state or a territory which has ratified, or chosen not to ratify, a state constitution.

All amendments to the Home Rule Charter are void until such time as they are presented to the constitutional electors of the District of Columbia. Such a remedy would provide the people of the District of Columbia with the full protection entitled to them as citizens of the United States. The restriction on the power of Congress applies only to those cases where it usurps the constitutional authority rightly held by the people of the District of Columbia. It does not invalidate exclusive legislative authority over the District, but only “state” constitutional authority, which under a republican form of government resides only with the people.

There have been attempts to overturn the status quo by litigation, although these were not successful. No one has ever sued on just the right to vote on the District Constitution. While District residents might sue in the future, the fact that prior amendments were never challenged makes doing so a dicey proposition. The other way to protect the rights of D.C. citizens is by amending the Home Rule Act.

Section 303 of the Home Rule Act, which provides for amendments, is not listed as unamendable by referendum, so it is fair game for a Charter referendum initiated by the Council. Such a referendum is akin to a declaration of independence by DC voters. It gains national attention to the rights of DC citizens, as do the attempts in Congress to enact a legislative veto, the filibuster blocking such a veto, the subsequent legal challenge, and any attempts to circumvent the amendment through the budget process. Such attention raises the visibility of the plight of District residents.

Some object that the Home Rule Charter is hardy a constitution, and is in fact colonial legislation. Yet, however it was drafted; DC voters (who could have rejected it) accepted it. It can, and most likely should be amended wherever possible by provisions of the New Columbia Constitution ratified by District voters in 1982. The Council has the right to propose such amendments (as the charter amendments cannot be submitted by initiative), including those provisions allowing amendment initiatives.

If the Council were to propose such an amendment, it would likely lead to a court challenge. Such a challenge forces litigation of the rights of District residents to a republican form of government in a way that the Supreme Court could not dodge, as they dodged such a discussion in the appeal in Adams v. Bush., also known as the 20 Citizens lawsuit. If the District wins the challenge, Congress is required to abide by the law and submit the amendment to the voters. After it had been litigated, the Courts must side with any challenge by District residents to any “budgetary riders” or other legislation amending or revoking the Charter without a vote by District residents.

The other way to enact such provisions is to do so congressionally. If Congress enacted a charter amendment requiring ratification of its actions, a challenge is also likely, although the case is easier for DC to win.

Does such a provision sidetrack the movement for DC Statehood? I believe it has the opposite effect; as such a provision takes away Congress’ fun. Given the effort required to run roughshod over the rights of DC residents, Congress most would likely end its resistance to statehood for New Columbia.

Another action which the District can take unilaterally is to withdraw its consent to the Congressional presence by either a citizen initiative or council sponsored referendum to expel the Congress from the District of Columbia. While such an action would not be binding, it would certainly raise awareness of the dysfunctional nature of the federal presence. It could also be argued that the original statehood initiative was a vote to expel Congress from most of the District. Here is some sample language for you and the committee to consider:


Whereas the Constitution provides for the creation of a national capital and federal enclaves by cession of territory from the various states, and

Whereas the District of Columbia was created by cession of territory from the State of Maryland and the Commonwealth of Virginia, and

Whereas the passage of the Organic Act in 1801 was ruled to sever all ties between the District of Columbia and its donating states, and

Whereas the residents of the City of Alexandria and Alexandria (now Arlington) County sought and received readmission to the Commonwealth of Virginia in 1847, and

Whereas political rights have been granted to the residents of all other federal enclaves, and

Whereas the citizens of the District of Columbia have been denied political
rights to both self-government and representation in the Congress of the United
States, and

Whereas, under Alexander v. Daley, the Organic Act's separation of the District from Maryland is found to be still in force, leaving no state with the authority to withdraw its consent for the cession of land for the creation of a national capital,

Therefore, the Citizens of the District of Columbia, by this instrument, do hereby withdraw their consent for the location of the national capital within its boundaries.



The beauty of this action if undertaken as an initiative is that the BOEE has to deny it ballot access, or if it grants it, the United States is sure to challenge it (and Council support of such a measure will assure it makes the news). The challenge to access will then be litigated before anyone has to get either cold or hot circulating a petition. While a Council sponsored referendum will not require either signatures or BOEE consent, it will still likely draw a federal action challenging its placement on the ballot.

The goal of such an effort is obviously not to expel Congress. What you do accomplish is forcing the United States and then the Courts to state that D.C. residents are not sovereign. A court case will attract media attention. Such a case is far easier to understand than Adams v. Clinton and, because there is an event to be litigated, it is an issue that the courts cannot dodge.

It may not come to this, however, as the election of Barack Obama to the Presidency, the election of Al Franken to the Senate and the conversion of Arlen Specter to the Democratic Party brings the District that it though was out of reach – 60 Democratic votes. This margin allows Statehood to come to a vote in the Senate, provided that the Democrats are united. Not even the National Rifle Association could stop such a vote, because theoretically states cannot be dictated to once statehood has been achieved. The other option for self-determination is as a home rule city in Maryland. Cities and counties are fairly autonomous, unlike their counterparts in Virginia. Frankly, as a Virginian, I can tell you that the relationship between the District and Congress is romantic compared to the dictatorial relationship between Alexandria and the Republican House of Delegates.

A hidden constitutional issue having to do with statehood is the status of the National Capital Service Area, which relates both to whether its workers pay tax and how its residents can vote. The boundaries of the NCSA have remained the same since the establishment of Home Rule in 1974. Both the 1982 Constitution of New Columbia and H.R. 51, the New Columbia Statehood Act considered in the 103rd Congress in 1993 follow the original borders. The current boundaries and a map obtained from the National Capital Planning Commission, are attached to this testimony.

Using the existing boundaries provides stability, however it does pose a danger. These boundaries contain most of the federal core. Income earned within them would not be available for a New Columbia state or territory non-resident income tax, as the income would be earned in the residual seat of government rather than in the state or territory. I have no doubt that the original boundaries were retained to take the non-resident income tax on the table, since without the Federal Core; the amounts subject to tax are greatly reduced. Dealing with the revenue issues at this time allow for a saner treatment of the NCSA. For purposes of providing service, I recommend that the original boundaries of the National Capital Service Area be maintained, but that the majority of it be included in the State of New Columbia and therefore subject to both New Columbia law and taxation. This would overcome one of the legislative objections to H.R. 51, that without an established government, there would be no prevailing law or judiciary in this area once statehood were enacted.

There are a limited number of civilian and military dwellings within the NCSA. The residents of these dwellings would be entitled to any voting rights enacted for the District of Columbia under S.160 (in the unlikely event it is found constitutional if enacted) as well as the seat of government’s three electoral votes.

Of more immediate import is the financial contribution made by the United States for the District’s military reservations. These should be included within New Columbia so that it may continue to receive impact aid. The next version of H.R. 51 should not exclude them from New Columbia for this reason, as well as their aforementioned status under the 23rd Amendment and S.160 if passed.

I recommend that a separate seat of government be delineated as the residual District of Columbia and that it include only the Capitol building and grounds and the House and Senate Office Buildings, the employees of whom file income taxes in their home states. The Seat of Government should only be separately established in the Statehood bill, so that the Territory can continue to enjoy the benefits of the 23rd Amendment. I am attaching an amended version of H.R. 51, the DC Statehood and Retrocession Act, which includes revised metes and bounds language to do this.

The State of New Columbia, as well as the current Government of the District of Columbia, will and does provide services to the National Capital Service Area. These include fire protection, police protection, sanitation and public works. When protests and national events occur, these costs increase dramatically. The maintenance of commuter routes into the NCSA must also be included in these calculations. The Home Rule Act provides in Section 731 for agreements to provide services between the District Government and the United States, including compensation for the District for the provision of such services. Section 739, clause (b) provides for the appointment of a Director of the NCSA. President Ford appointed the National Capital Planning Commission to draw the map of the NCSA, however no Administrator has ever been appointed. The result is that there is no process in place to provide reimbursement for services to the NCSA. The election of a new administration and the formation of this panel provides an opening to begin negotiations to receive compensation for services so provided and to seek an equitable adjustment for services that should have been provided under a support agreement dating back to the establishment of home rule. A Government Accountability Office study is appropriate to determine what level of service has been provided in comparison to federal payments received, which also include compensation of the ban on non-resident income taxation and for federal compensation for the Districts past assumption of the pensions of Police Officers, Fire Fighters and Teachers. Any amount found in arrears can be satisfied by the transfer of a portion of the District’s General Obligation Debt to the United States and the enactment of a no-year appropriation to fund future reimbursements through the NCPC. Such reimbursements can continue when the New Columbia Territory is organized and when statehood is attained.
An additional open issue, which has arisen since the beginning of Home Rule, is the disposition of St. Elizabeth’s Hospital. In this instance, the District had an agreement with the United States which was never adequately funded. This formerly regional hospital presumably houses patients from the District, Maryland and Virginia, as well as patients referred to it by the Secret Service. If compensation for this facility is not collectable from the United States and surrounding jurisdictions, it should be returned to the Federal inventory.

The final obstacle to statehood are Republican objections that the proper solution is retrocession. These first surfaced in the modern area during the ratification debates for the voting rights amendment. This is ironic, since while the Republicans were insisting upon retrocession, the State of Maryland was voting for ratification. A continuing objection to statehood is that a state cannot be formed from another state without its consent. The state of Maryland and the Courts have taken an opposite position – that the passage of the Organic Act in 1801 separated the District from Maryland for all intents and purposes. Albaugh v. Tawes and Howard v. Maryland both affirmed this position when District residents wished to run for office as Marylanders and vote for Maryland Senators. Both of these positions cannot be true – although because Albaugh and Howard are the result of legislation, they could be undone by legislation. To avoid this issue altogether, the easiest fix is to include language requiring ratification by the State of Maryland in H.R. 51, or in any legislation granting voting rights through Maryland (which may be necessary if S. 160 is found unconstitutional because representation must come through a state – which was already held by Alexander v. Daley and Adams v. Bush). The amended copy of H.R. 51 I have provided includes such language.

Thank you for giving me the opportunity to provide these comments for the record and to submit explanatory materials. Please feel free to contact me by email if I can be of further assistance.

Wednesday, May 13, 2009

Comments for the Record: The History Of The District Of Columbia And Its Impact On The Attainment Of Voting Rights And Statehood

Chairman Brown,

Thank you for the opportunity to submit comments for the record. For the District to know where it is going, it must have a clear understanding of its often troubled past. Since Faith Dane and Jude Crannitch introduced me to the Statehood movement in 1993, when we were marching every week to the House of Representatives to force a vote on the Statehood Bill, I have been an active participant in the movement. I welcome the opportunity to share some of what I have learned in the past 15 years.

From my unique perch in the Administration, I had the opportunity to bring a draft of Jamin Raskin’s article on voting rights to the attention of the Office of the Corporation Counsel. This article became the basis for the voting rights lawsuit, Alexander v. Daley. One of the details put forth in that article is evidence that the story of the “Insult in Philadelphia” upon which the District’s special relationship with Congress is founded was an early product of spin control. Congress justifies its meddling in District of Columbia affairs by an odd bit of history, the insult in Philadelphia. The Continental Congress was meeting in Independence Hall, while the Pennsylvania legislature was meeting upstairs. Revolutionary War veterans rallied outside to demand back pay. Congressional apologists like to assert that these soldiers were in rebellion against Congress. This is in fact a fairy tale. The veterans were demanding their pay from the state legislature, since they knew the Continental Congress had no money to give. Later on, in what amounts to a publicity stunt that was possibly arranged by one of their former generals, Alexander Hamilton, the soldiers did in fact jeer the Congress. The real insult to Congress was the fact that everyone knew that it had no power (the Emperor was without clothes).

Given the history of the District clause, one can argue that congressional power over the District is no longer necessary. Concerns over physical security as provided by a state have been overcome. When the District of Columbia was established, there may have been some question as to the vulnerability of Congress vis-à-vis the states. Over the last 200 years, the Federal government has become a huge and powerful bureaucracy, greatly overshadowing even the largest of states. Further, the military and police personnel directly at the service of the Federal government number in the millions, and are well equipped and armed like in no time in history. There no legitimate concerns over the physical safety and prestige of the national legislature that could justify the continued rule of Congress over the District of Columbia. Those concerns having to do with international terrorism are not unique to the national capital, and can be dealt with without continued domination of all of the District’s residents.

The justification for physical security from insult by people of a state has been overcome. The passage of the First Amendment of the Constitution has given protection to insulting speech directed at the Congress. The promise to adopt a Bill of Rights secured the ratification of the Constitution, modifying the intent of every provision contained therein. It must be noted that the Capitol Police have assisted District residents in the exercise of their rights to speak and assemble on congressional grounds to engage in such speech. Therefore, this justification for continued congressional authority over the District of Columbia has been overcome. To avoid insult, Congress must act in a way not to attract it, by giving free people their rights.

The U.S. Government asserts that the relationship of the Congress to the District is like that of a state legislature to a locality. This theory has been set forth in a variety of cases before the Supreme Court, and is also now echoed in Section 601 of the District of Columbia Home Rule Act. The constitutional electors of the District of Columbia ratified the Home Rule Act, which is the only constitution for the District of Columbia Government. Section 704 of the Home Rule Act provided for acceptance or rejection of the Home Rule Charter by the electors of the District of Columbia. The Act acts not only as the charter for the municipal government, but also as the basic law or state constitution.

District Residents are entitled to Equal Protection of Law, with these rights trumping the powers of Congress to act as the supreme lawgivers created under the District Clause. In Bolling v. Sharpe, the U.S. Supreme Court made it clear that the 5th Amendment extends due process and equal protection rights to citizens of the District of the same order as those granted to citizens of the states. In Bolling, which was decided with Brown v. Board of Education, the federal government asserted that it had the right to segregate schools because the Fourteenth Amendment rights to due process did not apply to the District. The Supreme Court rejected this contention, which applies to all constitutional rights, not merely the right to integrated schools.
In reserving the power to unilaterally amend its state constitution, the Congress has exceeded its presumed authority as state legislature. No other state legislature in the United States may enact changes to its state constitution, which in the District of Columbia is the Home Rule Charter, without enacting identical language in a subsequent session preceded by an intervening election or without a ratification vote of the electors of that state. Because none of the members of the state legislature for the District of Columbia, the Congress of the United States, are elected by the citizens of said District, the only viable method of ratification is by referendum. Any amendment to the Home Rule Charter that has not been presented to D.C. voters is enacted in violation of the equal protection rights of its citizens to approve or reject such matters, many of which are plainly against their interests, especially with regard to District finances.

Congress has also exceeded its authority as a state legislature by operating outside of a constitution ratified by the people of that state, in this case, the District of Columbia. State legislatures may charter localities because they operate under constitutions ratified by the people of the state. The people of the District of Columbia has no such constitution providing the people with their sovereign right over the state government, unlike every other American in a state or a territory which has ratified, or chosen not to ratify, a state constitution.

All amendments to the Home Rule Charter are void until such time as they are presented to the constitutional electors of the District of Columbia. Such a remedy would provide the people of the District of Columbia with the full protection entitled to them as citizens of the United States. The restriction on the power of Congress applies only to those cases where it usurps the constitutional authority rightly held by the people of the District of Columbia. It does not invalidate exclusive legislative authority over the District, but only “state” constitutional authority, which under a republican form of government resides only with the people.

There have been attempts to overturn the status quo by litigation, although these were not successful. No one has ever sued on just the right to vote on the District Constitution. While District residents might sue in the future, the fact that prior amendments were never challenged makes doing so a dicey proposition. The other way to protect the rights of D.C. citizens is by amending the Home Rule Act.

Section 303 of the Home Rule Act, which provides for amendments, is not listed as unamendable by referendum, so it is fair game for a Charter referendum initiated by the Council. Such a referendum is akin to a declaration of independence by DC voters. It gains national attention to the rights of DC citizens, as do the attempts in Congress to enact a legislative veto, the filibuster blocking such a veto, the subsequent legal challenge, and any attempts to circumvent the amendment through the budget process. Such attention raises the visibility of the plight of District residents.

Some object that the Home Rule Charter is hardy a constitution, and is in fact colonial legislation. Yet, however it was drafted; DC voters (who could have rejected it) accepted it. It can, and most likely should be amended wherever possible by provisions of the New Columbia Constitution ratified by District voters in 1982. The Council has the right to propose such amendments (as the charter amendments cannot be submitted by initiative), including those provisions allowing amendment initiatives.

If the Council were to propose such an amendment, it would likely lead to a court challenge. Such a challenge forces litigation of the rights of District residents to a republican form of government in a way that the Supreme Court could not dodge, as they dodged such a discussion in the appeal in Adams v. Bush., also known as the 20 Citizens lawsuit. If the District wins the challenge, Congress is required to abide by the law and submit the amendment to the voters. After it had been litigated, the Courts must side with any challenge by District residents to any “budgetary riders” or other legislation amending or revoking the Charter without a vote by District residents.

The other way to enact such provisions is to do so congressionally as part of the push for voting rights. D.C. voters are on record as supporting statehood for the District of Columbia. Voting rights are a step less than full self-determination. In order to make voting rights acceptable to the population, some form of enhanced self-determination is necessary. Requiring that D.C. residents ratify any changes to their own constitution would be such a compromise. If Congress enacted a charter amendment requiring ratification of its actions, a challenge is also likely, although the case is easier for DC to win.

Does such a provision sidetrack the movement for DC Statehood? I believe it has the opposite effect; as such a provision takes away Congress’ fun. Given the effort required to run roughshod over the rights of DC residents, Congress most would likely end its resistance to statehood for New Columbia.

Another action which the District can take unilaterally is to withdraw its consent to the Congressional presence by either a citizen initiative or council sponsored referendum to expel the Congress from the District of Columbia. While such an action would not be binding, it would certainly raise awareness of the dysfunctional nature of the federal presence. It could also be argued that the original statehood initiative was a vote to expel Congress from most of the District. Here is some sample language for you and the committee to consider:

Whereas the Constitution provides for the creation of a national capital and federal enclaves by cession of territory from the various states, and

Whereas the District of Columbia was created by cession of territory from the State of Maryland and the Commonwealth of Virginia, and

Whereas the passage of the Organic Act in 1801 was ruled to sever all ties between the District of Columbia and its donating states, and

Whereas the residents of the City of Alexandria and Alexandria (now Arlington) County sought and received readmission to the Commonwealth of Virginia in 1847, and

Whereas political rights have been granted to the residents of all other federal enclaves, and

Whereas the citizens of the District of Columbia have been denied political rights to both self-government and representation in the Congress of the United States, and

Whereas, under Alexander v. Daley, the Organic Act's separation of the District from Maryland is found to be still in force, leaving no state with the authority to withdraw its consent for the cession of land for the creation of a national capital,

Therefore, the Citizens of the District of Columbia, by this instrument, do hereby withdraw their consent for the location of the national capital within its boundaries.


The beauty of this action if undertaken as an initiative is that the BOEE has to deny it ballot access, or if it grants it, the United States is sure to challenge it (and Council support of such a measure will assure it makes the news). The challenge to access will When be litigated before anyone has to get either cold or hot circulating a petition. While a Council sponsored referendum will not require either signatures or BOEE consent, it will still likely draw a federal action challenging its placement on the ballot.

The goal of such an effort is obviously not to expel Congress. What you do accomplish is forcing the United States and then the Courts to state that D.C. residents are not sovereign. A court case will attract media attention. Such a case is far easier to understand than Adams v. Clinton and, because there is an event to be litigated, it is an issue that the courts cannot dodge.

It may not come to this, however, as the election of Barack Obama to the Presidency, the election of Al Franken to the Senate and the conversion of Arlen Specter to the Democratic Party brings the District that it though was out of reach – 60 Democratic votes. This margin allows Statehood to come to a vote in the Senate, provided that the Democrats are united. Not even the National Rifle Association could stop such a vote, because theoretically states cannot be dictated to once statehood has been achieved. The only major obstacle is the fact that four of the sixty Democratic votes needed are from Maryland and Virginia, which means that the Non-Resident Income Tax Issue and District finances in general must be dealt with.

The funding of education is an issue which, if handled, would help remove the need for a non-resident income tax. The issue arises because former District residents now residing in Prince Georges County, Maryland continue to enroll their children in District of Columbia Schools. Meanwhile, some Ward 3 parents leave the District when their children reach Junior High or High School age in order to send their children to Montgomery County Schools. Without speculation on their motivations, it is clear that in order to retain these families and provide for families who prefer District Schools, some arrangement with the State of Maryland for an integrated education finance system with a dedicated income tax is necessary. A portion of District and suburban Maryland tax revenues could go into a common fund for distribution based on enrollment, regardless of residency. Such a funds sharing arrangement will save money by ending the need to prove residency to enroll in school. It provides for the adequate funding of every student without requiring everyone to pay a non-resident income tax.

Another obstacle to statehood is the Federal funding of District felons and the Courts, which was enacted in 1997 as part of the Revitalization Act. At the time, this was necessary to assure the District of long run viability – and it provided a carrot to then D.C. Appropriations Chair Tom Davis because it allowed the closing of Lorton and the redevelopment of the property. At the time, the Commonwealth of Virginia had had excess prison capacity, which was used while the Bureau of Prisons made space in its system as cells opened and as contracts were finalized with Corrections Corporation of America (as mandated by the Act). With more progressive government in both the Commonwealth and the nation, the return of parole and the elimination of mandatory minimum drug sentences are a real possibility. This will lead to excess prison capacity in the region. A dedicated regional income tax to fund all area felons, which will be housed in Virginia and Maryland and supervised in all three jurisdictions, will prove more palatable to the District’s neighbors than a non-resident income tax.

Related to the issue of non-residential income taxes is the status of the National Capital Service Area. The boundaries of the NCSA have remained the same since the establishment of Home Rule in 1974. Both the 1982 Constitution of New Columbia and H.R. 51, the New Columbia Statehood Act considered in the 103rd Congress in 1993 follow the original borders. The current boundaries and a map obtained from the National Capital Planning Commission, are attached to this testimony.

Using the existing boundaries provides stability, however it does pose a danger. These boundaries contain most of the federal core. Income earned within them would not be available for a New Columbia state or territory non-resident income tax, as the income would be earned in the residual seat of government rather than in the state or territory. I have no doubt that the original boundaries were retained to take the non-resident income tax on the table, since without the Federal Core, the amounts subject to tax are greatly reduced. Dealing with the revenue issues at this time, as I have suggested above, allow for a saner treatment of the NCSA. For purposes of providing service, I recommend that the original boundaries of the National Capital Service Area be maintained, but that the majority of it be included in the State of New Columbia and therefore subject to both New Columbia law and taxation. This would overcome one of the legislative objections to H.R. 51, that without an established government, there would be no prevailing law or judiciary in this area once statehood were enacted.

There are a limited number of civilian and military dwellings within the NCSA. The residents of these dwellings would be entitled to any voting rights enacted for the District of Columbia under S.160 (in the unlikely event it is found constitutional if enacted) as well as the seat of government’s three electoral votes.

Of more immediate import is the financial contribution made by the United States for the District’s military reservations. These should be included within the territory so that it may continue to receive impact aid. The next version of H.R. 51 should not exclude them from New Columbia for this reason, as well as their aforementioned status under the 23rd Amendment and S.160 if passed.

I recommend that a separate seat of government be delineated as the residual District of Columbia and that it include only the Capitol building and grounds and the House and Senate Office Buildings, the employees of whom file income taxes in their home states. The Seat of Government should only be separately established in the Statehood bill, so that the Territory can continue to enjoy the benefits of the 23rd Amendment. I am attaching an amended version of H.R. 51, the DC Statehood and Retrocession Act, which includes revised metes and bounds language to do this.

The State of New Columbia, as well as the current Government of the District of Columbia, will and does provide services to the National Capital Service Area. These include fire protection, police protection, sanitation and public works. When protests and national events occur, these costs increase dramatically. The maintenance of commuter routes into the NCSA must also be included in these calculations. The Home Rule Act provides in Section 731 for agreements to provide services between the District Government and the United States, including compensation for the District for the provision of such services. Section 739, clause (b) provides for the appointment of a Director of the NCSA. President Ford appointed the National Capital Planning Commission to draw the map of the NCSA, however no Administrator has ever been appointed. The result is that there is no process in place to provide reimbursement for services to the NCSA. The election of a new administration and the formation of this panel provides an opening to begin negotiations to receive compensation for services so provided and to seek an equitable adjustment for services that should have been provided under a support agreement dating back to the establishment of home rule. A Government Accountability Office study is appropriate to determine what level of service has been provided in comparison to federal payments received, which also include compensation of the ban on non-resident income taxation and for federal compensation for the Districts past assumption of the pensions of Police Officers, Fire Fighters and Teachers. Any amount found in arrears can be satisfied by the transfer of a portion of the District’s General Obligation Debt to the United States and the enactment of a no-year appropriation to fund future reimbursements through the NCPC. Such reimbursements can continue when the New Columbia Territory is organized and when statehood is attained.
An additional open issue, which has arisen since the beginning of Home Rule, is the disposition of St. Elizabeth’s Hospital. In this instance, the District had an agreement with the United States which was never adequately funded. This formerly regional hospital presumably houses patients from the District, Maryland and Virginia, as well as patients referred to it by the Secret Service. If compensation for this facility is not collectable from the United States and surrounding jurisdictions, it should be returned to the Federal inventory.

The final obstacle to voting rights and statehood are Republican objections that the proper solution is retrocession. These first surfaced in the modern area during the ratification debates for the voting rights amendment. This is ironic, since while the Republicans were insisting upon retrocession, the State of Maryland was voting for ratification. A continuing objection to statehood is that a state cannot be formed from another state without its consent. The state of Maryland and the Courts have taken an opposite position – that the passage of the Organic Act in 1801 separated the District from Maryland for all intents and purposes. Albaugh v. Tawes and Howard v. Maryland both affirmed this position when District residents wished to run for office as Marylanders and vote for Maryland Senators. Both of these positions cannot be true – although because Albaugh and Howard are the result of legislation, they could be undone by legislation. To avoid this issue altogether, the easiest fix is to include language requiring ratification by the State of Maryland in H.R. 51, or in any legislation granting voting rights through Maryland (which may be necessary if S. 160 is found unconstitutional because representation must come through a state – which was already held by Alexander v. Daley and Adams v. Bush). The amended copy of H.R. 51 I have provided includes such language.
Thank you for giving me the opportunity to provide these comments for the record and to submit explanatory materials. Please feel free to contact me by email if I can be of further assistance.

Thursday, October 23, 2008

Statehood and the 2008 Election

Frankly, I am surprised no one has brought this up yet.

It is quite within the realm of possibility that there will be 60 Democratic Senators and a Democratic President-elect on November 5th.

If this occurs, the main political impediment to Statehood for New Columbia will have been cleared. All that will remain are the regional difficulties, although with 4 area Democratic Senators and Governors they will be not so much as in the recent past.

There is still a punch list of things to do to ease the transition, however:

Rewrite H.R. 51 so that the portion left in federal hands contains only the White House and the Congressional buildings. Failure to do so will put many potential non-resident income tax dollars out of reach and will also allow the military base residents to register and vote under the 23rd Amendment (and they would vote Republican).

Review the New Columbia Constitution as passed by the Council and make amendment necessary so that it actually survives a plebecite. Try expanding the House of Delegates and adding non-majority party epresentation at the ward level so that the GOP does not yell too loudly - as the vote may be close in Congress.

Work out an agreement for Virginia and Maryland to share our prison and mental health care costs in lieu of levying a non-resident income tax. This allows them to save face in supporting statehood.

Appoint an Administrator for the National Capital Service Area, especially that portion within New Columbia, and work out both a current services agreement to pay costs for providing services under a no-year appropriation and a reimbursement for all such costs expended in the past for when the Federal Government negligently refused to appoint the Administrator as provided under the law.

It is time for the Shadow Delegation to start doing their jobs, since they might actually triumph this time. Statehood is no longer a lost cause. Get to work!

Tuesday, January 15, 2008

The Christian Libertarian Party: I Like Mike

The Christian Libertarian Party: I Like Mike